The Vitalists

The Return of Myth and Blood

Vitality above Reason

Vitalism is not an ideology. It is a reaction that is elemental, aesthetic, and metaphysical. It is what surges up when the rational order collapses, when systems break down, when people no longer believe in institutions, principles, or progress. It rejects both the procedural sterility of liberalism and the therapeutic neuroticism of the Deconstructionists. It does not want reform. It wants renewal … by force, if necessary. The name “Vitalist” reflects their preoccupation with life-force, instinct, energy, and will, a revolt against the sterility of modernity in favour of raw, unmediated power.

Where Proceduralists govern through reason, and Deconstructionists through grievance, Vitalists govern, or rather dream, through will, strength, and beauty.

But Vitalism is not fascism, nor is it National Socialism, though many fail to see the distinction.

Not Fascists, Not Nazis

To outsiders, especially those shaped by Deconstructionist moral instincts, Vitalists often look like resurgent fascists. They circulate Nazi imagery. They post Hitler quotes. They make jokes about eugenics, Holocaust denial, and racial hierarchy. They blur the lines between shock humour, aesthetic provocation, and ideological conviction. But Vitalism is not fascism, and it is not National Socialism.

This is not a defence. It is an observation of a profound distinction.

Where National Socialism was a centralised political project, Vitalism is decentralised and post-political. Where fascism sought to unify the state under a singular mythos and leader, Vitalism often despises the state, views centralised authority as inherently corrupt, and embraces fragmentation, autonomy, and collapse as pathways to renewal. Many Vitalists are ex‑libertarians, not collectivists. They champion clan, tribe, and brotherhood, not state.

The Nazi aesthetic is used not to revive the Reich but rather to defile liberal sanctities. It is an intentional sacrilege meant to shatter taboos, destabilise the historical narrative of liberal triumph, and provoke an emotional reaction that exposes the fragility of consensus reality. They ask: If we are not allowed to question this, what else is sacred fiction?

This tactic is ironically serious, a kind of memetic warfare that uses humour, aesthetics, and moral inversion to draw attention, build loyalty, and desecrate the mythos of liberalism.

The Deconstructionists, blind to irony and obsessed with trauma, respond with brute force: censorship, cancellation, and street violence. But, in doing so, they often confirm the Vitalist critique.

The liberal order cannot withstand being laughed at, and the Deconstructionist faction even less so. The Vitalists are, if nothing else, masterful mockers of sacred things.

Darwinian Tribalism and the Principle of Purge

Vitalism is not a doctrine, it is an ecosystem. It has no central leadership, no creeds, and no final authority. What it has is relentless momentum, a collective mythic drive, and countless loosely aligned factions competing for narrative dominance. It is, in effect, Darwinian ideology: shaped not by consensus but by the survival and virality of symbols, memes, and myths.

This internal competition is often brutal. Vitalist circles are famous for turning on their own, not for ideological impurity in the Deconstructionist sense, but for weakness, compromise, or aesthetic failure. There is no sacred cow. Revered figures are routinely mocked, dethroned, or replaced. Heroism is provisional.

This is where the Globalist maxim “don’t punch right” is most visibly reversed. Originally, the phrase was used by mainstream conservatives to avoid attacking fellow travellers, even extremists, for fear of weakening the coalition. But to Vitalists, this strategy reeks of cowardice and strategic impotence. They treat it with open disdain.

For the Vitalist, betrayal of the mythos is worse than opposition from outsiders. Leaders who soften their rhetoric, apologise to journalists, or seek institutional legitimacy are publicly humiliated. The movement has no tolerance for what it perceives as submission to the regime’s frame.

There are no quiet removals, but ritual purges: meme campaigns, ridicule, and symbolic executions by community consensus.

And yet, through this chaos, a strange order emerges:

This is not strategy. It is instinctual metaphysics: a belief that only that which survives fire is worth preserving. The point is not to preserve ideological purity, but to remain feral and potent, free of the rot that infects mainstream politics.

In this environment, authority is always conditional, loyalty is earned by charisma, and meaning is constantly being reforged through struggle. As in mythic narrative, the hero must continually prove himself, or fall.

This is why liberal commentators fail to contain or understand Vitalism. They see only chaos and contradiction. But within that chaos is a ruthless coherence: the belief that only what survives deserves to exist.

A Third Metaphysical Dimension

If the Axis of Consensus (Proceduralists and Globalists) represents the Enlightenment metaphysic (reason, progress, individual rights) and the Deconstructionists represent an inverted liberalism (grievance, power, identity) then the Vitalists represent something else entirely: the return of myth.

They believe in:

They do not engage with procedural politics or moral debate because they reject the metaphysical assumptions beneath those frameworks. In this way, Vitalism introduces a third metaphysical pole into a system that was only built to handle one. Liberalism can facilitate Left vs Right. It can process internal critiques. But it cannot tolerate sacrificial myth reasserting itself as the foundation of meaning.

That is why liberal institutions are buckling under the strain. They were designed for negotiation, not for civilisational conflict.

Ritual, Meme, and Mythopoesis

Vitalism thrives in the postmodern wasteland of social media and algorithmic fragmentation. It does not spread through manifestos but through memes, images, and ritual gestures. The ironic use of forbidden words, the glorification of dissenters, the veneration of ancestral bloodlines.

It finds form in:

These forms are not unified by any coherent doctrine, but by a shared rejection of the modern lie that safety is the highest good, that equality is sacred, that history has ended.

To the Vitalist, modern society is not just wrong but is castrated, sterile, and ugly. They seek beauty, suffering, and transcendence, even if it means embracing death.

The Failure of the Cordon Sanitaire

For years, liberal society attempted to keep the Vitalists beyond the pale. Journalists, politicians, and academics enforced a cordon sanitaire: a protective quarantine around “far-right” or “extremist” content, deplatforming it wherever possible and smearing it with historical guilt.

This containment strategy seemed to work … for a time.

But every suppression only strengthened the myth. Every cancellation confirmed the inauthenticity of the regime. Every Antifa riot served as proof of hypocrisy.

And as liberalism fails, as its institutions rot, its elites lie, and its promises collapse, the Vitalist impulse becomes harder to suppress. It does not rely on legitimacy. It only needs attention and the hunger for something real.

Ethnosupremacy and Mythic Borrowing

Central to Vitalism is the principle of ethnosupremacy — the belief that the flourishing of one’s own people requires both affirmation of their superiority and resistance to dilution by outsiders. While White Supremacy is one well-known manifestation, Vitalists themselves often look abroad for models of cohesive ethnonationalism. They note, for example, the assertive cultural confidence of Han nationalism in the People’s Republic of China, or the guarded cultural policies of postwar Japan.

Certain historical episodes, such as the assassination of Japanese socialist leader Inejirō Asanuma in 1960, have been mythologised in Vitalist circles as moments of cultural resolve. In these retellings, political violence is elevated into a symbol of resistance against perceived encroachment, providing a narrative of vitality and sacrifice that resonates with the movement’s ethos.

Antisemitism in the Vitalist Movement

Antisemitism is a persistent feature of the Vitalist current, not as a formal doctrine but as a flexible, mobilising myth. It merges civilisational suspicion with a performative politics of taboo-breaking, providing both an explanatory framework and a tool of identity formation.

Institutional Distrust and the “Enemy Image”

Vitalists frequently read distrust of globalist institutions, central banks, and cultural industries through an antisemitic lens. Supranational bodies like the UN or IMF, the global financial system and central banks, and the reach of Hollywood media are all framed as expressions of a hidden ethnic or religious hand. This fuses a broader populist critique of elites with specifically antisemitic coding, producing a single “enemy image” that symbolically unites disparate grievances.

Performative Taboo-Breaking

For many Vitalists, antisemitism is not only descriptive but performative. By voicing or meme-ing explicitly antisemitic tropes in spaces where they are forbidden, they seek to demonstrate the weakness of liberal procedural order. The act of crossing the taboo line becomes a proof of vitality — that their community dares to say what others will not. This performative edge often matters more than the literal content of the claim.

Rhetorical Inversion

Vitalist subcultures frequently employ antisemitism through rhetorical inversion. A stereotype or accusation (e.g., “conspiracy theorist,” “bigot”) is flipped back, with antisemitic imagery used ironically to expose what they view as hypocrisy in establishment discourse. In this way, antisemitism becomes a game of inversion: mocking the moral authority of liberal institutions by parodying their strictest taboos.

Group Identity and Belonging

Within Vitalist networks, antisemitic references function as boundary-markers. Sharing a coded phrase, meme, or ironic slogan signals membership. It creates a sense of in-group solidarity precisely because it is stigmatised outside. The repeated circulation of these motifs thus binds individuals together, marking them as part of a community willing to risk exclusion from mainstream discourse.

Metapolitical Function

In sum, antisemitism in the Vitalist movement is best understood as a mobilising myth:

Vitalist antisemitism is primarily performative and mythic. It reduces complex historical debates into symbolic enemy images, used as weapons of rhetoric, identity, and defiance.

The Fire That Comes After Collapse

Vitalism is a politics of rupture, not of policy. It cannot govern in the conventional sense, nor does it care to. It does not want to manage the ruins. It wants to burn the ruins and begin again.

It sees the collapse of liberal society not as a tragedy, but as a necessary death, a blood sacrifice that must precede rebirth. It does not dream of utopia, but of glory. It does not seek peace, but meaning.

Whether it will coalesce into something constructive, or devour itself in chaos, remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: the liberal system cannot contain the metaphysical pressure it has unleashed. The procedural consensus is broken. The therapeutic inversion has reached its limit. And from beneath the rubble, a third force rises: myth made flesh.